What Else Might Business Do
on the Environmental Justice Front?

 

There is a substantial and growing interest in rethinking the energy and carbon use in America's cities. There is, in fact a new financial impulse to rethink urban investments to "green" America's cities.

Cambridge has taken the lead in forging the private-public partnerships to enable this to happen.

 

The Cambridge Energy Alliance was set up both to accomplish "Saving Money & The Planet."

Let's have a look at what this can mean...

... and ask ourselves
"What (or who, perhaps) has been left out?
Who is "at the table" and who is not at the table?

In fact, without a thorough understanding of our
recent (post-World War II America) past, we are likely to forget:

What past patterns should we be careful to avoid?

For example, with all the talk about "renewing" and "greening" the citiy, it is important to keep in mind the way explicit policies of government and industry have worked to shape the landscape and differential experience of justice between racial communities all across America since the end of World War II.

"Structural racism" has been "built in" to the historical pattern of American suburbanization and "sprawl." Environmental racism in this sense is manifest not only in the siting of particular toxic waste facilities, but also in the siting of all other amenities and disamenities across the landscape from parks to highways and "protected" natural space. Consider these two recent documentaries on Detroit and the problem of "sprawl.".

Inner-City Blues
What has happened to America's 'inner cities' since World War II?

and

Fat of the Land
  What has been the ecological impact of American suburban sprawl?


Since black communities and communities of color have been such consistent victims of government subsidized urban policy over the years, it is perhaps not surprizing that these communities have not immediately seen the advantages of the newly proposed government subsidies, tax breaks, "incentives" and the promise of new jobs that have accompanied the drive to make cities more "green." It remains to be seen whether -- despite the inspiring and visionary appeal of Van Jones -- black communities and communities of color will benefit to any significant degree from the "green color jobs" that -- in theory, at least -- should emerge as new programs like the "Cambridge Energy Alliance" begin to transform the inner city.

Historically, these programs have not benefitted black populations to the degree hoped for by many of their advocates. This is because In its "default mode" the American economy has done little to equalize income inequality. Indeed, the income disparities widen each decade.. Without explicit programs that aim to address environmental justice concerns, a business-as-usual approach to making the cities more "green" may turn out to victimize black and minority communities in both relative and absolute terms. Contracts are likely to be given to those firms whose work force is already highly skilled in the new techniques of "green" building or those firms that can afford to train their work force to become proficient in these new skills.

The central question that Van Jones and others are asking is simply this:

Will the anticipated new wave of "green color jobs" serve to allieviate or aggravate historical patterns of environmental injustice in America's cities? How will the capital flow? Who will be making the loans? Who will be receiving them? On what terms? Who will be given the contracts? Who will be given the opportunity to learn the skills needed in a new, green econmy? Who will the contractors employ? Without effective new planning are we in danger of creating a new kind of "environmental apartheid?"

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